Introduction
Georgia and, more broadly, the Caucasus have always fascinated travelers with their ethnic diversity and vibrancy. The region has repeatedly attracted the attention of European missionaries, Eastern explorers, and Russian officials. The reasons for their visits to the Caucasus varied and often influenced the specific nature of their work. One such figure was Arnold Zisserman, who arrived in Georgia at the age of 17. He spent a significant amount of time working in the Caucasus, publishing articles in the periodical Kavkaz and later dedicating an extensive work to the region, Twenty-Five Years in the Caucasus. As T. Jagodnishvili aptly notes, Zisserman was: 
Not an outsider gazing at Georgian traditional life and oral culture through the eyes of an exotic tourist. Instead, he physically immersed himself in the Georgian environment... collecting folklore and ethnographic materials and publishing them with commentary. Thus, his articles and essays stand out not only for their richness and diversity of content but also for the depth of his observations and analyses [Jagodnishvili, 2004, p. 279].  
The academic study of Georgian folklore began only in the 19th century. Notably, Zisserman’s Twenty-Five Years in the Caucasus has not yet been translated into Georgian. It can be said that T. Jagodnishvili has compiled an almost complete bibliography of Zisserman’s works. The scholar has made a significant contribution to studying the history of Georgian folklore studies; however, much remains to be explored, especially regarding the content of the materials recorded by A. Zisserman. In this regard, there is a notable lack of research. Some parts of Twenty-Five Years in the Caucasus have been translated and used by K. Mamisimedishvili in his works [Mamisimedishvili, 2008, p. 125-127]. In recent years, Arnold Zisserman’s works have attracted attention from Peter Skinner, who published an article titled “Arnold L. Zisserman’s Book Twenty-Five Years in the Caucasus – 1842-1867” in the Journal Kartvelology in 2018, available in both English and Georgian. Additionally, Aka Morchiladze dedicated seven episodes of his project Lost Books to Zisserman, providing an in-depth discussion of his creative legacy. However, studies specifically focusing on Zisserman’s contributions to folklore remain nonexistent.
Arnold Zisserman
Arnold Zisserman was born in 1824 in the Podolsk Province. His father, Lev Zisserman, of German origin, worked as a military doctor in the same region. Zisserman’s fascination with the Caucasus started after reading the works of Bestuzhev-Marlinsky. As he mentions in his memoirs, he dreamed of visiting this exotic area and experiencing its adventures. 
He aimed to escape the monotonous, confined urban life of the barren steppes in the small towns of southern Russia. He eagerly read Marlinsky’s exotic novellas such as Amalet Bek and Mulla Nur, distinguished by their vivid, detailed settings and intense passions, which evoked strong associations with Scott and Byron in the minds of Western readers and many of Marlinsky’s Russian contemporaries [Skinner, 2018, №27, p. 241].
At the age of 17, Arnold Zisserman submitted a request to the Governor of Tiflis seeking employment. At that time, Tiflis was the capital of the entire Transcaucasian region and served as the administrative center of the Caucasian Viceroy. Notably, young Arnold had no connections or patron to recommend him for a position. However, his talent and determination did not go unnoticed. Six months later, his request was approved, and in 1842, he was called to serve, initially working as a junior clerk in the Chancellery of the Caucasian Viceroy (Petrovna, 1912, p. 522). Zisserman soon became dissatisfied with the dull office work in the city. Driven by curiosity, he requested a transfer to Tianeti, where he could be closer to the Caucasus Mountains. Over the next twenty-five years, Zisserman dedicated himself to the Caucasus, learning the Georgian language and taking part in several military campaigns, including the Tabasaran expedition, the capture of Gunib, and various Kuban expeditions against the mountaineers. His efforts attracted the attention of the Commander-in-Chief of the Caucasus Army, Prince Vorontsov, who awarded him a military honor. Zisserman’s rank rose accordingly: first to collegiate registrar and later to secretary of the Tusheti-Pshavi-Khevsureti district. Zisserman also built a literary career, publishing works with military-historical themes, memoirs, and journalistic essays. “His writings notably influenced Leo Tolstoy, who drew upon them for his works The Prisoner of the Caucasus and Hadji Murat’s Severed Head, which Tolstoy himself described as “a poem about the Caucasus” [Tebyev, 2020, p. 400]. Tragically and absurdly, Zisserman’s life ended in September 1897. While supervising a logging operation on the Lutovinov estate, he ignored a warning from his son, who had cautioned him about a falling tree. Zisserman reportedly dismissed the danger, saying that he had seen many risky logging operations in his life. Moments later, he was struck by the falling tree and died instantly. His death was recorded in an obituary published in the 10th issue of the Russian Archive that same year, including a statement from his son recounting the incident (Russian Archive, 1897, №10, p. 312).
Arnold Zisserman had no literary experience when he arrived in Georgia. His knowledge of the Caucasus was limited to the works of Bestuzhev-Marlinsky. Therefore, for the 17-year-old, the Caucasus was a "promised land" filled with numerous adventures waiting for him. 
Twenty-Five Years in the Caucasus is a memoir in which Arnold Zisserman’s view of the Caucasus and its people evolves over time. At first, he has somewhat negative feelings about the region. Like other Russian officials, he refers to the local population as “Tuzemtsy” (natives). When he visits a guide’s home in Kazbegi, he struggles to tolerate the overwhelming smell, despite his "great curiosity" (Zisserman, 1879, p. 5). The term "Tuzemtsy" was used by Russians at the time to refer not only to Georgians but to all Caucasians. Interestingly, Zisserman’s attitude at the beginning of his memoir reflects the colonial mindset and the typical Russian view of the region. “The colonial administration was completely indifferent to the peculiarities and inherent character of the local population. “The locals—Tuzemtsy—were divided by the conquerors into two categories: the so-called peaceful (those who did not resist Russian rule, learned the Russian language, sent their children to Russian schools for education, etc.) and the dissenters (those who opposed Russian domination)” [Bukhrashvili, 2000, p. 75]. Given this context, it’s not surprising that a 17-year-old, like Zisserman, would be skeptical of the local population and view them with suspicion.
After working briefly in Tbilisi, Zisserman was assigned as a secretary to Mikhail Cholokashvili, who was then governor of the Tusheti-Pshavi-Khevsureti district. Zisserman describes in detail the feasts and notable people he met during his time with Cholokashvili, along with the rules of etiquette and daily life. According to him, Prince Mikhail was a very open-hearted and hospitable man. His court often hosted lavish banquets where aristocrats gathered. As a foreigner, Zisserman had some uncomfortable moments, but he gradually adapted to his new life, especially under Cholokashvili’s mentorship. It was during his stay at Cholokashvili's estate that he began learning the Georgian language and collecting fascinating, exotic stories. He was especially intrigued by the everyday lives of Caucasians and the traditions he had only heard about before, like blood feuds and blood brotherhood. While gathering these stories, Zisserman didn’t just record them—he also included thoughtful philosophical analysis, his personal feelings, and reflections on each tale. This approach makes Zisserman’s folklore collection stand out from those gathered by other scholars.


The Legends of the Founding of the Gudani and Lashari Crosses
In the 1940s, Arnold Zisserman’s articles appeared in the newspaper Kavkaz. Between 1844 and 1848, because of his work, he traveled extensively through Pshavi and Khevsureti, studying the Georgian language and its dialects. This period left a deep impression on the young Zisserman. He was passionately collecting Georgian legends. In 1848, he published an article titled “Letters from Tianeti,” where he described the Pshavian traditional holiday and legends about the founding of Lashari Cross. In 1851, in his article “Records of Khevsureti,” he discussed the founding of the Gudani Cross. These publications drew a lot of attention, and his writings were read and widely respected.
As Teimuraz Jagodnishvili notes, these texts show a strong resemblance to the folklore material published by Raphael Eristavi, and he suggests that the stories might have been provided to Zisserman by the Georgian scholar. Jagodnishvili supports this idea by pointing out that both Zisserman and Eristavi recorded identical versions of folk texts. Furthermore, in a letter preserved in Eristavi’s archive, the topics discussed are similar in content to Zisserman’s writings, leading Jagodnishvili to believe that Eristavi must have supplied this material to Zisserman. According to Zisserman, he studied the Khevsurian dialect for five years while in Khevsureti and personally recorded the material. However, Jagodnishvili considers this less credible, stating that “In none of Zisserman’s other writings, which deal with Georgian folklore and ethnography, does knowledge of the Georgian language appear” [Jagodnishvili, 2004, p. 284]. I disagree with this opinion because Zisserman has published several articles in both Russian and Georgian. It wouldn’t be surprising if he had learned Georgian well, given that he spent twenty-five years in the Caucasus. Additionally, in his work Twenty-Five Years in the Caucasus, he often mentions that he began learning Georgian upon arrival and was successful. Clearly, Zisserman and Raphael Eristavi knew each other, and they might have even collaborated on collecting these texts. Naturally, it would have been easier for Eristavi to understand certain dialectal forms. Differences in their recordings are likely due to this. At that time, folkloristics as an academic discipline was still young, and there were no strict rules for recording folk samples. It is plausible that Eristavi adapted dialect forms to suit his preferences.
The legend of how the village of Gudani was founded, as A. Zisserman himself notes, was recorded when he left Tianeti. I will present the unaltered translation of the text. 
An unusual legend has been preserved about the settlement of the Khevsur people and their origins. They recognize someone named Gudaneli (his own name) as their ancestor. He was a servant of a landowner from Kakheti and, to avoid punishment for an unspecified crime, fled to Pshavi, to the village of Apsho. His son was born there. A hunting enthusiast, young Gudaneli once went into the mountains, where he killed an unknown animal. The animal was so fat that the old Gudaneli thought the place where the animal had lived must have been extraordinarily fertile. To confirm this, he sent his son and instructed him to plant a handful of wheat on a small plot of land and later collect the harvest in a Guda (leather pouch). Therefore, the place was named Gudani, and the settlers were called Gudaneli. Two more sons of Gudaneli were born here: Arabuli and Chinchara, from whom came 320 households of Arabuli and 210 families of Chincharauli. All of them settled in 35 villages, the most important of which is Gudani. It is located on the banks of the Aragvi River, most often recognized by the symbol of the Gudani Cross, which they honor greatly. Later, their numbers increased with the arrival of people from Kisteti, Ossetians, Mtiuls, and even Jews. It is said that once, when Queen Tamar visited Khevsureti, she brought five Jews with her who fell ill, stayed in the area, married, and founded the village of Biso. [Zisserman, 1879, p. 207-208]
The origin of the Gudani Cross has a second version — its opposition to the Kinkozauri/Kinkvazauri people. It represents a more detailed version of the legend recorded by Zisserman. Kinkozauri lived in a village near Sane. One day, an ash tree sprouted in his yard, which he cut down. The same thing happened on the second and third days. On the third day, a snake emerged from the ash, and Kinkozauri cut the tree again and killed the snake. Then, while plowing, he killed another snake, which angered the deity. The illness spread throughout the village, and within half a year, everyone died. The Gudani Cross was built where Kinkozauri had lived, and it was only later that a man from Kakheti (Chitaia, 1955, p. 392) came to establish the village of Gudani. In the version recorded in Akneli, the Gudani Cross moved from Akneli to Kinkozauri's settlement (Ochiauri, 1967, p. 104). This story — in which the ash tree sprouts in Kera, is chopped three times, the snake coils around the tree, and the village is wiped out — was quite common in both the mountainous regions of Eastern Georgia and throughout the Caucasus. “Apart from the Gudani Cross, which was established in Gudani, the same motif appears in other places, such as: St. Mary of Nakharela, St. George of Shubnuri (Likoki), the Archangel Michael of Roshka, the Mother of God of Ukankhadu, St. George of Khakhabo’s spring, the Virgin Mary of Tsabaurta in Pshavi, the Mother of God of Gogolaurta, and others” [Kiknadze, 1996, p. 28].
The part of the legend that Zisserman recorded only refers to the founding of the surname. Over time, it incorporated hierophantic elements (the ash tree sprouting in the hearth, the snake wrapping around the tree, the settlement turning into a place of worship), which give it a typological resemblance to the widespread Caucasian legends about the creation of Crosses.
It is evident that the account of Gudani’s founding bears similarities to the information recorded by R. Eristavi. One might even say it represents an abridged version. For instance, A. Zisserman does not mention the village from which the man originated, whereas Eristavi specifies the village of Magrani. Additionally, Zisserman uses "Gudaneli" as a personal name, whereas R. Eristavi does not provide the man's name. In Eristavi's text, the type of animal hunted by the young man (a wild goat) is specified, and the conflict between the father and son over relocation is described in more detail. In contrast, Zisserman's version in this account is scarce. Moreover, A. Zisserman makes an error in the names of the sons, recording "Araba" as “Arabuli” (Eristavi, 1986, p. 59-60). These differences can be easily explained by one fact: Zisserman recorded this account around 1844–1848. At that time, he had been in Georgia for only two years. While he knew the Georgian language, it would have been challenging for him to fully grasp the Khevsurian dialect. As a result, his version contains some inaccuracies. Could Zisserman have recorded this text earlier? Of course, this cannot be proven. Structurally, both accounts are nearly identical. Arnold Zisserman ventures further in his reasoning, even connecting the settlement of the Khevsurians to the Crusaders, whereas R. Eristavi focuses on the founding of Biso. One thing is clear: they traveled to Tusheti, Pshavi, and Khevsureti at roughly the same time, so it is not surprising that they obtained similar material. They might have even shared ideas with each other.
Arnold Zisserman elaborated multiple times on the idea that the Khevsurians might be descendants of the Crusaders, supporting his argument with the following points:
1.    Khevsurian attire and jewelry – They wore armor reminiscent of medieval knights and decorated their clothing with embroidered crosses, often in yellow thread.
2.    Latin inscriptions on their swords – These included phrases like Solingen, vivat Husar, vivat Stephan Batory, Gloria Dei, and others (Zisserman, 1851, p. 89).
3.    Their ancient dialect – Zisserman noted that the language spoken by the Khevsurians was so archaic that it was barely understandable to half of the current inhabitants of the Georgian lowlands. This view was also shared by R. Eristavi: “The Khevsurians speak such an ancient Georgian language that hardly half of the current residents of Georgian valleys can understand them" (Eristov, 1855, p. 77, 82).
Zisserman presented this hypothesis in several articles published in Kavkaz. However, he himself noted that it was unlikely (Zisserman, 1854, p. 114–154). Despite this, the hypothesis sparked significant controversy. It was first criticized by G. Radde in his monograph, where he dismissed it as “groundless”. Regarding the swords, Radde stated that he had not encountered such inscriptions but could not entirely deny their existence. Instead, he proposed his own theory, suggesting that the Khevsurians were of Persian origin, citing illustrations from the Shahnameh that depicted similar helmets and weapons (Radde, 1980, p.  141–147).
Nearly fifty years later, Gurko-Kryazhin also criticized Zisserman’s hypothesis, calling it a "legend" (fabrication) (Gurko-Kryazhin, 1928, p. 10). Today, this hypothesis is completely rejected (Sheremetyev, 2018, p. 81).
Zisserman documented legends about the Lashari Cross in 1847 while attending a Pshavian religious festival. He offered detailed descriptions of the traditions, including blessings by deacons, the initiation of children into the sanctuary, the treasures of the Lashari Cross, and the appearance of the Kadagi (diviner). However, it is noteworthy that Zisserman referred to the local people as “savages” (Dikary): “One must see the deep reverence these savages show toward the flags, removing their hats, bowing almost to the ground, and waving their hands over their chests as if crossing themselves" (Zisserman, 1879:230). Clearly, for him, the festival lacks any sacred meaning, and he only observed it as a spectator. Zisserman considered the diviners as frauds exploiting the faithful in Saint George's name. He carefully described how they conveyed Saint George’s displeasure, frightened the worshippers, and demanded offerings or service. In one of the sermons, the Kadagi declared:
"Haai-ao, haaio, you mortals, shoulder to shoulder, neck to neck. Come to my herds of adorned livestock, you no longer heed my sheep (buzhi), my fine mares (morgali), my bulls (bugauri), or my sanctuaries. You do not keep my granaries filled, nor brew ale in my vats. You wait! You shall regret your ignorance and negligence!" (Vazha-Pshavela, 1937, pp. 131–132).
The wrath of the deity was truly a severe punishment for the highlanders, and they exhausted every means to make peace with it. “One Khevsurian elder, during a dispute at a court of conciliation, confidently stated: “Our gods are not like yours, the Georgians’ gods; they are ill-tempered and quick to punish people” (Urbneli, Droeba, 1885, №166, p. 3).
Arnold Zisserman’s attitude toward diviners is understandable, considering he was not part of the communal religious order (Sak’mo). For an outsider, it is indeed unusual to see someone speaking on behalf of a saint. However, in the mountains, Kadags played a sacred role. Their responsibilities included relaying the will of the shrine to the community, organizing military expeditions, explaining divine displeasure, and more. “When the Pshavians planned to go to war against the ‘infidels,’ they would first consult the Lashari Cross. If the Kadagi of the shrine (a diviner) prophesied victory, the entire community would unanimously agree to mobilize. If not, the campaign would be abandoned” (Khizanishvili, 2018:37). Diviners were also consulted during bad harvests or livestock illnesses. Each shrine had its own Diviner, with the Gudani Cross serving as the main one, spreading holy messages across all of Khevsureti (Ochiauri, 1954, p. 65). 
Zisserman, however, disapproved of certain parts of Pshavian festivals, like the bawdy nighttime scenes, which were a crucial part of the celebrations, and the multi-day feasts, which he saw as just revelry. The only aspect he admired was the mediatory role of khevisberis in resolving disputes and conflicts. He also pointed out the highlanders' deep respect for their sanctuaries, as breaking a vow made at a shrine was unthinkable.
Zisserman documented two versions of how the Lashari Cross was founded: 
The main shrine is the Lashari Cross, along with the nearby Tamar-Dedopali shrine, which is held in universal reverence. This name, it is said, was given in honor of Queen Tamar’s son, Lasha-Giorgi, who was astonishingly handsome. Others recount that in ancient times, a monk named Lashniani (also called Lash, meaning “big-lipped”) lived here. He converted the pagans of this area to Christianity, and the festival was established in his honor. I lean to the first version, but I am uncertain” [Zisserman, 1879, p. 231]”.
 Notably, R. Eristavi did not record a founding story for the Lashari Cross, even though he mentioned: “The Pshavians attributed Queen Tamar and her son, Lasha-Giorgi (or Lashiani Giorgi, the Big-Lipped), to sainthood” (Eristavi, 1986, p. 71). Both scholars connected the shrine's origin to Lasha-Giorgi and noted its link to "Lashaiani," which refers to the characteristic large lips.
Zisserman also described a sacred tree stump near the shrine, revered by the Pshavians and decorated with candles. Curious, a young man learned from an elderly khevisberi an extraordinary story about the Lashari Cross's oak tree, inhabited by angelic beings who protected all of Pshavi. The tree was considered untouchable until Zurab Eristavi of Aragvi, known for his campaigns in the mountains, desecrated it by sacrificing a cat. This act made the shrine impure by the blood of an unclean animal ("Usurmag"). It took away its power, as “In Khevsureti, cats, along with certain animals like dogs and donkeys, were considered impure“ [Gaburi, 2021, p. 58]. The desecration of sacred sites with the blood of impure animals recurs in oral traditions. For example, in the tales of Gakhua Megrelauri, the villains throw a “head and feet of a cat” at God’s warriors during their raid on Kajeti (Andrezs, 2009:41–45). Only after this act of desecration was Zurab able to cut down the sacred oak. Pieces of the tree were reportedly kept in the shrine’s hall.
This motif appears in many legends, further confirming its cultural importance. In Pshavian oral tradition, the sacred oak is honored in verse: 
I also was Saint George,
With a golden ladder reaching to the sky,
A mighty oak stood on Khmelgori,
I climbed it up with a ladder
Offerings brought by my faithful flock
I carried it up to God there…[Kiknadze, 2007, p. 57].
The archetype of the oak tree traditionally symbolized the unity of heaven and earth, acting as a sacred center on earth, with its destruction signifying the defeat of the community. That is why the Eristavi sought to cut it down.
Raphael Eristavi does not present this tradition. His folkloric and ethnographic writings mainly consist of scholarly notes with little commentary. Arnold Zisserman, however, accompanies each narrative with a detailed analysis. It is no surprise that this story, along with its tangible evidence, left a lasting impression on the young researcher. One could say that from that day forward, he began to view sacred places and traditions from a different perspective. A noticeable shift in his attitude is evident, with his comments becoming more philosophical.
Zisserman's recorded texts exhibit several peculiarities:
1)    None of the texts are accompanied by metadata (e.g., collection dates or locations).
2)    The identities of the narrators are never disclosed. For instance, he might note that the text was recorded from a khevisberi (high priest), but their name and surname remain unspecified.
Every tradition is followed by the author’s commentary, where he analyzes the content and expresses his own hypotheses.
It is worth noting that Zisserman’s interpretations are not always accurate. For example, he proposed the idea of the Khevsurs’ Crusader origins, which was later refuted by G. Radde, Gurko-Kryazhin, and other scholars. However, in other cases—such as identifying typological similarities between the cult of Lashari’s oak and the Circassian sacred forest cult—he offers profound philosophical insights and draws valid conclusions, particularly noting that the veneration of trees must have been widespread across the Caucasus in ancient times.
Arnold Zisserman’s folkloric-ethnographic records are highly valuable, not only for Georgian but also for Caucasian folklore studies, as they provide versions of texts that are closest to archetypal forms.



















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