The composition of Amnos in the murals of the north-west chapel of the main church of Gelati Monastery
Since its founding, Gelati Monastery has been one of the largest religious and cultural centres in Georgia. The architecture of the monastic complex, wall paintings, painted or chased icons created there, the illuminated manuscripts, the embroidery samples, together with the historical documents, show that during the period of the state strengthening or weakening, religious life in Gelati Monastery, as well as literary and artistic activities were not interrupted (Lominadze, 2014: 10-23).
From the second half of the 15th century onwards, the difficulties that arose after the division of the Georgian state into several kingdoms and principalities, especially the constant attacks of the North Caucasus tribes, led to the transfer of the throne of the Catholicos of Abkhazia/Western Georgia from Bichvinta to Gelati in the 16th century (Rekhviashvili, 1989: 12). As a result, the importance of Gelati Monastery as a religious and cultural centre increased even more. Despite the difficult political situation in Georgia in the 16th-17th centuries and the problems in the Church life, the kings and clergy of Imereti actively tried to restore the heritage damaged from the enemy and to create new samples. Most of the paintings preserved in the churches and chapels of Gelati Monastery are from the late Middle Ages. Among the paintings of the 17th century, the frescoes of the north-western chapel of the main church (Mepisashvili, Virsaladze, 1982: 14-15) (fig. 1) attracts an attention. Shortly after the construction of the main church of the Mother of God, chapels were erected along the entire length from the south and north. They were intended as a burial of the ruling family of united Georgia and later of the supreme secular and ecclesiastical rulers of the Kingdom of Imereti.
The entrance to the chapel area to the northwest of the church is from the west narthex. Its painting was made in 1637-1657 under the patronage of the Catholicos of Abkhazia/Western Georgia Zakaria Kvariani. The paintings are well preserved; Over time, mostly the mural on the lower register of the south wall was damaged. The painting has three registers. The mirrored row of the prophets is represented across the central area of the vault. The upper part of the south and north walls depicts the Annunciation, Christmas, the resurrection of Lazarus, the Entry into Jerusalem, the Holy women at the Sepulchre, the Anastasis, the Revelation of Christ to the Holy Women. The scene of the Presentation of the Mary to the Church was also depicted. The lower, third register is dedicated to the frontal figures of individual saints and archangels. On the slopes of the west arch there is a composition of the Ascension of the Savior, and below it, in the upper register of the west wall, in the section above the entrance is an image of the Holy Trinity. The cross is depicted in the tympanum of the door, and on both sides of the opening one figure of martyrs is placed. The extreme eastern section of the north wall depicts Catholicos Zakaria Kvariani (fig. 2).
The painting of the chancel is divided in two registers - the Glory of Christ is presented in the conch, the second register presents holy bishops on both sides of the altar. At the lower register of the painting, there is an averagely deep, high and wide niche starting from floor level. The upper part of its arch approaches the upper register of the painting. The eastern wall of the niche displays a scene called the Service by the Holy Bishops (known as the Amnos, fig. 3): the altar (on a thick leg) stands in the centre of the composition with the three-colour background (blue, brownish-yellow and dark red). Infant Jesus, covered in bluish-dark chiton, is standing on the altar looking left at St. Nicholas who is standing by the altar. Infant Jesus’ right hand is extended towards the Church Father, whilst holding the chiton bottom with the left. The clothing partly covers the infant’s body. St. Nicholas is dressed in bishop’s clothing - white sakkos, check-patterned omophorion and dark epitrachelion. The high-priest lends both hands towards the Savior, the right hand is a little bit lower, pointing to the book in the left hand which he stretches out towards the Savor. The book is quite big; the cover is decorated with jewels disposed of in the cross image. The figures are accompanied with uncial Asomtavruli inscriptions in white paint: on the right of St. Nicholas’ halo, along it - nikoloz Nicholas; on both sides of the Savior - i(es)u q(rist)[e] Jesus Christ.
The iconographic scheme of the painting of the chapel is based on the centuries-old tradition in the monumental art of the Orthodox world (Skhirtladze, 1981: 85-100). In addition, it reveals certain features in terms of selecting individual images for the scheme as well as the iconography of these images. The figures placed in the chancel niche are located unusually low, almost at floor level – the walls of the niche on both sides is decorated by the imitation of a decorative curtain. Despite the figures in the niche being perceived as part of the composition of the Service of Holy Fathers, these figures, at the same time, represent an independent theme. Accordingly, the lower part of the chapel is presented as two-register composition but the figures in the niche are demonstrated as an independent scene as well.
The composition of the Service of the Holy Fathers has become a tradition at that time, in the centre of which is Christ as a Savior, and on both sides, there is a row of holy priests serving him (Skhirtladze, 1981: 85-100). On the other hand, the composition given in the chapel niche looks independent.
The scene of the Service of Holy Fathers, like in other regions of the Christian Orthodox world, first appeared in the second half of the 12th century and since then throughout centuries has been a commonly widespread composition for chancel murals (Skhirtladze, 1981:85-100).
Although the above-described part of the painting in the northwest chapel of the main church in the Gelati monastery highlights traditional iconographic scheme, it is as well equal and similar to the scene of the Vision of St. Peter of Alexandria, being an established form in Christian artwork for centuries. The first source of the scene is the Vita of St. Peter of Alexandria (284-311), written about a century after his martyrdom (Archimandrite Silas Koukiaris, 2011: 63). The text tells of a vision of a saint when the Savior appears to the saint in prayer as a twelve-year-old boy. The Savior wore a white torn robe, the end of which he held in his hand. The bright face of the Savior lit the whole room. When asked by St. Peter of Alexandria who tore his robe, Christ answered that it was Arius, and at the same time advised the high priest not to accept his false teaching (Vivian, 1988: 72).
Early examples of the composition of the Vision of St. Peter of Alexandria are known in the Byzantine miniatures of the Macedonian era; In addition, the scene involved in the Menologion of Basil II (Vat. Gr. 1613, 979-989) (Bogdanovic, 2013: 284) unites the vision and martyrdom of St Peter of Alexandria; On the liturgical scroll of the Monastery of the Holy Cross (no. 109, 11th-12th c.) (Bogdanovic, 2013: 284) these two stories are separated from each other; even more, the iconographic frame of the vision episode is already established. It is this variation of the scene that will later spread throughout the Christian visual art: the whole-body image of infant Christ is depicted standing against the background of the purgatory or at the altar; a white (often) damaged robe half covers the Savior's body; the child holds the part of the garment in his hand. Christ is facing St. Peter of Alexandria standing next to the altar. At the foot of the altar, fallen Arius is depicted along with the figure of Christ. In the monumental painting, the vision of St. Peter of Alexandria starts to emerge from the 13th century - one of the earliest known examples of this painting is in Melnik, St. Nicholas Church (1200) (Nodic, 2008: 59). The composition is mainly depicted in the prothesis or diaconikon, sometimes in the narthex, rarely in the main space of the church (Bogdanovic, 2013: 286). In the 13th-17th centuries, there are many variations on the Vision of St. Peter of Alexandria. At the same time, Christ is represented with a torn robe everywhere, which directly reflects the event conveyed in the literary sources. This detail is one of the essential parts of the scene because it is in this way that the existence of heresy in the Church is declared (Archimandrite Silas Koukiaris, 2011: 65). In the literary sources discussing the Vision of St. Peter of Alexandria nowhere is there any mention that Christ appeared before St. Peter of Alexandrian standing on the altar. According to scholars, this detail must be related to the transfer of the scene to the church space (Millet, 1930: 99-114). In this regard, it is noteworthy that the narrative in literary sources about Christ depicted at the altar appears only from the XVI century (Koukiaris, 2011: 65). The establishment of the scene of the vision on the altar and the depiction of the figure of Christ there gave the composition a liturgical content. It was further connected with the theme of Holy Communion and the traditional composition of the lower register of the chancel - the worship of the Holy Sacrifice. In Georgia, the scene of the Vision of St. Peter of Alexandria is represented in two paintings. In both cases – in the Church of the Savior of Zenobani (XIII century) (Didebulidze, 1990: 73), as well as in the Cathedral of the Transfiguration of the Savior of Tsalenjikha (XIV century) (Lortkipanidze, 1972: 54-55), the composition is depicted on the west door. The figure of the Savior is not depicted in the painting of Zenobani Church, while in the Tsalenjikha cathedral the figure of Christ is represented in the form of a young man in a door tympanum against the background of a communion altar. These two examples with their position and iconographic scheme are close to the monuments of eastern Christian monumental painting. Certain individual traits are also evident in both paintings. According to these two examples, it can be assumed that the above-mentioned scene might not have been widely spread in Georgian fine art. Significantly, their chronological existence is limited to a comparatively shorter period (starting from the first half of the 13th century to the end of the 14th century). Later, in the 17th century, it is presented in a peculiar iconographic scheme in the northwest chapel of the of the main church of Gelati Monastery. The inclusion of this scene in the programs of the paintings is the precondition for significant conclusions. Mariam Didebulidze while discussing the painting program of the Zenobani church, mentions that the composition depicting the Vision of St. Peter of Alexandria is one of the main content keys of the meaning expressed in the murals. According to her observations, the theological program of the painting of the church in Zenobani is imbued with the ideas of the glory and triumph of Christ, and salvation. The painting of the chancel declares the final and eternal triumph of the Savior, while the concept of the three-hypostatic nature of the Holy Trinity is confirmed by the Vision of St. Peter of Alexandria. Accordingly, the Vision of St. Peter of Alexandria conveys the meaning of the triumph of Orthodoxy. The scheme of the painting of the chancel in the northwest chapel of the main church of the Gelati monastery unites iconographic details of the compositions of Amnos and the Vision of St. Peter of Alexandria. The replacement of St. Peter of Alexandria by the figure of St. Nicholas represents the scene as a particular variety of the two traditional iconographic schemes.
The existence of particular indications of symbolic structure in the iconographic program of the northwest chapel murals must have been conditioned by the political reality and religious situation of that period. Georgia became encircled with Muslims in the second half of the 15th century, which was facilitated by the Ottoman domination of the Black Sea. The country had to deal with two invaders – the Ottoman Empire and Iran. Both conquerors took advantage of the controversies within the country and tried to occupy both the territories and spread Islam (Rekhviashvili, 1989: 75-85).
At the turn of the 16th-17th centuries, Georgia found itself in a difficult situation - on the one hand, it had to repel the external enemy, and on the other hand, to cope with the difficulties arising from constant internal conflicts (Rekhviashvili, 1989: 75-85). The processes developed in Georgia complicated the development of local culture, although efforts in this direction were never stopped. At that time, most of the supreme secular or ecclesiastic representatives of Imereti was actively involved in the construction of the kingdom and the flock. One of the most distinguished in this respect is the Catholicos of Abkhazia/Western Georgia Zakaria Kvariani, who was consecrated Bishop of Gelati in ca.1639 and later was promoted to the rank of Metropolitan. Zakaria Kvariani became the Catholicos of Abkhazia/Western Georgia in 1657 (Metreveli, 2000: 151). His patriarchal activity included both Gelati Monastery and other ecclesiastic centres of the Imereti Kingdom. In this respect, the patriarchal activity of the Catholicos is especially noteworthy in his homeland- Lechkhumi, namely in Derchi, where he renewed and painted the church of St. John the Baptist. In the frescoes of the church, on the south wall of the main nave, a fresco image of Zakaria is presented (Jikia, 2016: 131-142).
As mentioned, the name of Catholicos Zakaria is connected with the painting of the northwestern part of Gelati and the lower part of the western part of the main space of the church (Mepisashvili, Virsaladze, 1982: 15). The image of the Catholicos Zakaria is presented on the north facet of the south column of the church, in the lower register. The fresco was made during the patronage of Zakaria and the painting activities continued in the Gelati Monastery during the period as well. Due to his merits in 1652-1655, the so-called the Great Gulani (National Center for Manuscripts, A-186: Menabde, 1962: 552) was created. Also, by Zakaria's order, a gold embroidered Epitaphion was made in 1660 (Kutaisi State Historical Museum, №491). The painting of the north-western chapel of the main church of Gelati Monastery, according to the image, must have been created before the consecration of Zakaria Kvariani as a Catholicos, respectively, before 1657. The chapel was probably considered to be the burial of a Catholicos, but he, as the prelate of the Church of Western Georgia, was buried in the north porch of the main church of the Gelati Monastery (Tsereteli, 1891: 227). It is assumed that Zakaria Kvariani himself had to create a program of the painting in the western arm of the main church (Devdariani, 2001: 59-73).
Existing materials about Catholicos Zakaria Kvariani show that along with the pastoral work, he was actively involved in the political and cultural life of the kingdom. He was a confessor and advisor to the King of Imereti, Alexander III (1639-1660). During the years of his prelatship, the Kingdom of Imereti was in a particularly difficult situation. From 1620, the noblemen anarchy in Georgia took on a severe character (Rekhviashvili, 1989: 79). On the one hand, the Kingdom of Imereti was defending itself from the outside enemy, and on the other hand, it was constantly attacked by the prince of Odisha, Levan II Dadiani. Levan Dadiani sought to strengthen the independence of his principality and establish his power in western Georgia by fighting neighbouring kingdoms (Rekhviashvili, 1989: 78). Zakaria Kvariani actively participates in political events in Imereti in the mid-17th century. He accompanied the King of Imereti to Odishi to negotiate with Levan Dadiani, but the attempt was unsuccessful (Tsintsadze, 1970: 78). As a result, the attacks of the prince of Odisha on Imereti kingdom became even more frequent. Dadiani's anger also extended to the Metropolitan of Gelati, as the King's closest adviser and one of his active supporters (Rekhviashvili, 1989: 97). It is clear from the available materials that Levan Dadiani tried in every way to damage Zakaria Kvariani's reputation. We find information about the Catholicos with the Catholic missionaries working in Georgia in the 17th century. Josef Mario Zampi and Cristoforo Castelli, on the one hand, characterize Zakaria positively and, on the other hand, refer to him in a negative context (Tkeshelashvili, 2017: 41-45).
The activity of Catholic missionaries in the 17th century is characterized by outstanding activity in different parts of Georgia (Pavliashvili, 1994: 127). In 1614, with the help of Levan Dadiani, a group of missionaries arrived in western Georgia (Ivelashvili, 2009: 106-107). The field of activity of Catholics missionaries was mainly Odishi (Ivelashvili, 2009: 122-125). The missionaries also had relations with the supreme rulers of the Kingdom of Imereti. In 1644, King Alexander III of Imereti asked Levan Dadiani to send the painter and doctor Cristoforo Castelli on the condition that he would return after completing the work. Levan Dadiani agreed to the request and sent Castelli to Imereti. Castelli settled in Kutaisi for some time. The king gave him the church of Sophia for the celebrating the liturgy, and also several houses near the royal palace. Such behaviour of the King caused the dissatisfaction of the local ecclesiastics, but Castelli's activity in Imereti did not last long - in 1646 with the request of Dadiani he returned to Odishi (Ivelashvili, 2009: 139). It is clear from the sketches and records of Cristoforo Castelli that the missionary stayed in touch with the prepresentetives of the Kingdom of Imereti even after returning to Odishi; There is a portrait of Zakaria Kvariani made by the missionary during his patronage (Castelli 1976: 154). It is a fact that the Catholic missionaries had some relations with the Kingdom of Imereti, although their main area of activity at that time was Odishi, and the residence was the court of Levan II Dadiani. This may explain the mention of the Catholicos in a negative context (Tkeshelashvili, 2017: 42-43).
Zakaria Kvariani's special role is also evident in the process of relations between the Kingdom of Imereti and Russia. Persecuted by the Muslim world on the one hand, and weakened by the attacks of the prince of Odishi on the other, the kingdom of Imereti sought a solution. The main goal of Georgia was to liberate the country from the Muslim environment (Pavliashvili 1994: 18). King Alexander III of Imereti, in a letter to the Russian Tsar Alexander Mikhailovich, in which he asks Russia royal court for help, focuses on Orthodoxy. He repeatedly emphasizes that Georgia is an Orthodox country:
“Alexander the Great, son of King George, still the King today. Descendants of our forefathers, we too are Orthodox Christians in communion with St. Andrew the Apostle and the Orthodox faith taught by St. Nino and the law of the blessed kings. We believe and acknowledge the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit, the one and indivisible Trinity. And our country is called Imereti and our capital city is Kutaisi. We have many monasteries and churches, built by ancient Kings and Metropolitans. We also have many bishops. Our faith is true and unshakable” (Tsintsadze, 1970, p. 36).
“Do not deprive us of your help, so that these places will not be taken away by the wicked and the true Christian faith will not be converted, and the Christian holy monasteries and churches will not be turned into mosques (Tsintsadze, 1970: 37).
“And he (the ambassador) is the abbot of Gelati, the best monastery. This church is glorious and decorated, here is the cemetery of our kings too” (Tsintsadze, 1970: 37-38).
In response to a letter sent by the King of Imereti, the ambassadors of the Russian Tsar visited the Kingdom in 1651-1652. One of their main hosts was Zakaria, theMetropolitan at that time. He himself guided the envoys from Russia and provided information about the centuries-old history of Gelati and the relics deposited in it (Lominadze, 1966: 197). Along with the relics, the Metropolitan showed the ambassadors the icon of the Mother of God preserved in Gelati, which, according to him, was painted by Luke the Evangelist (Lominadze, 1966: 77). Zakaria Kvariani probably tried in this way to present the centuries-old path of Christian Georgia and the immutability of this path. The high priest stressed that the Georgian Church has never deviated from the true faith that was preached first by the apostles and then by St. Nino.
Historical sources are not known regarding the creation of the painting of the north-west chapel of the main church of Gelati Monastery. The image of Zakaria Kvariani, presented in the painting, reveals that the frescoes were executed during his priesthood.
In the chapel painting program, the place given to the image of St. Nicholas raises some questions. The composition of the Service of the Holy Fathers, which is presented in the chancel, is traditional for the paintings of that period. In addition, the scene included in the centre of the composition with the scheme and iconography is similar to the scene of St Peter of Alexandria. With all this in mind, prerequisites and reasons for the depiction of St. Nicholas instead of St. Peter of Alexandria remain to be studied. In this regard, it should be noted that one of the most important aspects of St. Nicholas' deeds was his active struggle against heresies. One of the most important episodes of the saint's activity is related to the First Council of Nicaea (325), where one of the main issues was the condemnation of the heresy of Arius (World Ecclesiastical Councils, 2009: 29-70). St. Nicholas's Vita tells of his confrontation with Arius, which resulted in the removal of the ecclesiastical honour of the Bishop and the removal of the omophorion. But soon after the vision of several Church Fathers (during which the Savior and the Mother of God delivered the Gospel and omophorion to St. Nicholas), the saint was restored to the rank of Bishop (Akathist of St. Nicholas, 1995: 11-19).
St. Nicholas's Akathist and commemorative readings emphasize his merit in exposing Arius' heresy, as well as his role in glorifying and worshipping the Holy Trinity, and in general - his merits in confronting heresy (Saints Nicholas's Akathist, 1995: 11-19).
As in all of Christianity, so in Georgia, in the conditions of the distinguished tradition of paying homage to St Nicholas (Sevcenko, 1983: 29-154; Didebulidze, 2006: 68-71; Лордкипанидзе, 1992: 95-108) it seems significant that the image of St Nicholas presented in the murals of the northwest chapel has no analogs among the well-known monuments of Christian art.
Similar to the Byzantine and Postbyzantine monuments, in Georgian wall painting St. Nicholas is usually depicted in the chancel, among other Church Fathers; among a numerous monuments containing the image of the saint some cases are noteworthy: in Kintsvisi church of St. Nicholas, the figure of the saint is represented twice - among the Church Fathers, and in the centre of the chancel, with St. Sylvester (Didebulidze, 2006: 50-51). According to Didebulidze, such a representation of the image of St. Nicholas in the painting of the church of Kintsvisi, first of all, must have been preconditioned first of all by the fact that he is the patron saint of the church; on the other hand, the co-emphasis of the figures of St Sylvester and St Nicholas is linked to other Church leaders, namely the participants of the Council of Nicaea I, where both high priests played a crucial role in condemning the heresy of Arius. M. Didebulidze in the painting program of Kintsvisi Church highlights the anti-Arious, and more broadly - anti-heresy spirit, which is depicted in the lower register of the chancel. The choice of the Church Fathers is also chosen respectively: St. Peter of Alexandria, St. Athanasius the Great, St. Mitrophanos, St. Nicholas, St. Gregory of Nyssa, St. Basil of Caesarea, and St. Gregory the Theologian were directly involved in the struggle against Arius (Didebulidze, 2004: 116-146). Among the compositions of the Vision of St. Peter of Alexandria, where he is figuratively related to St. Nicholas, the Prilep Church of the Archangels is especially noteworthy. The scene depicting the Vision of St. Peter of Alexandria is placed there not in the chapel or near it but in the western part of the naos (fig. IV). In this regard, S. Cvetovski draws attention to the fact that opposite to this scene, in the eastern part of the south wall, the image of St Nicholas is represented, an image which is always placed in the chancel among the Holy Fathers. In this case, the image represents an analogue of the composition of the Vision of St. Peter of Alexandria. It is true that the author does not specify this view, but notes that the only way in which the composition is connected to the chancel is through the connection with the image of St. Nicholas on the opposite side of the composition, close to the chancel space (fig. V) (Cvetkovski, 2012: 83-88). Thus, on the one hand, the connection of St. Nicholas and St. Peter of Alexandria is not illogical and, on the other hand, among the monuments examined to date the replacement of the figure of St. Peter of Alexandria by St. Nicholas has no direct analogue.
The existence of certain figurative hints reflected in the iconographic program of the painting of the north-west chapel of the main church of Gelati Monastery must have been conditioned by the political realities and religious situation in the country at that time. For its part, the image represented in the painting makes it probable that the emergence of the individual content reflected in the murals was related to the donor of the painting, the Catholicos Zakaria Kvariani. In the 17th century, in the context of the political processes and religious situation in the western Georgia, the necessity of showing the continuity and strength of the Orthodox faith naturally emerged. Raising this topic was one of the main concerns of both the secular and ecclesiastic supreme representatives of the Kingdom of Imereti at that time; Catholicos Zakaria Kvariani was actively involved in all this.
In the 17th century in the Gelati Monastery, the paintings created as a result of Zakaria Kvariani's patronage, among other aspects, the theme of the continuity and inviolability of the Orthodox path is purposefully proclaimed - in various ways. L. Tkeshelashvili notes: “The Catholicoses of Abkhazia believed that they ruled the Church founded by St. Andrew the First-Called. This was emphasized by the iconographic programmes of the paintings in Gelati, thus being a certain evidence for the representative of different countries (patriarchs, priests, Catholic missionaries, ambassadors and others) who were visiting Gelati at that time, that Georgia was the country evangelized by the Apostles” (Tkeshelashvili, 2017: 68). As an argument for this opinion, the image of St. Apostle Andrew represented on the south wall of the west door of the main church of Gelati Monastery, and holding the icon of the Mother of God of Atskuri in his hand (Fig. VI) is named in the cited study (Tkeshelashvili, 2017: 67).
The painting of the chapel, namely the creation of such an iconographic variation of the scene of Amnos must have been thought of as some figurative evidence of unwavering devotion to the true faith.
At the same time, the donor image in the painting allows us to assume that the demonstration of certain contextual accents in the painting is attributed to the Catholicos Zakaria Kvariani, who ordered the painting. St. Nicholas being one of the most distinguished saints worshipped in Georgia is as well worth mentioning.
It seems that the attitude of Zakaria Kvariani towards St. Nicholas was exceptional – the viewpoint that the prelate’s choice of St. Nicholas has a certain intention, cannot be disregarded. On the one hand, this choice might be an accentuation of the state, true faith of the priesthood and the developments of that period. On the other hand, it might be connected with the personal life of Zakaria Kvariani as resembling one of the episodes of St. Nicholas’ Vita, thus representing his character as the defender of true confession. It is not excludable at all that with the placement of St. Nicholas’ image in the mentioned composition, the prelate of west Georgia demonstrated his reaction against the humiliation of his reputation and attempts for the diminishment of his power.
The painting of the northwest chapel in the main church of the Gelati Monastery where the images of St. Nicholas and Zakaria Kvariani resemble each other is not the only one. In St. John the Baptist church in Derchi (Zakaria Kvariani is one of the main donors of the church) a frontal figure of St. Nicholas is placed on the south-east pillar, close the donor image of Zacharia (fig. VII) (Jikia, Skhirtladze, 2017: 114-123).
Thus, in the chancel murals of the north-west chapel of the main church of the Gelati Monastery are based on the iconography of compositions established in eastern Christian wall painting, but, at the same time, the traditional schemes of these compositions were reconceptualized accentuating the painting of lower register of the chapel chancel.
|ლეჩხუმი, საქართველოს ეროვნული არქივი, ფონდი №1, საქმე №124.|
|დაუჯდომელი ლოცვა წმინდისა ნიკოლოზისა, თბილისი.|
|გელათის ღვთისმშობლის ტაძრის XVII საუკუნის მოხატულობა (მაცხოვრის ვნებათა ციკლი), თბილისის სახელმწიფო უნივერსიტეტის შრომები, № 2.|
|ზენობანის მაცხოვრის ეკლესიის მოხატულობა, დისერტაცია, თბილისი.|
|საღვთისმეტყველო პოლემიკის ასახვისათვის ყინცვისის წმ. ნიკოლოზის ტაძრის მოხატულობაში, საქართველოს სიძველენი, №6.|
|ყინცვისის წმ. ნიკოლოზის ტაძრის ფერწერული ანსამბლის მხატვრული სახე, დისერტაცია, თბილისი.|
|კათოლიკობა საქართველოში, თბილისი.|
|კასტელი, კრისტოფორო დე,
|ცნობები და ალბომი საქართველოს შესახებ, ტექსტი გაშიფრა, თარგმნა, გამოკვლევა და კომენტარები დაურთო ბ. გიორგაძემ, თბილისი.|
|ქართული ფეოდალური ურთიერთობების ისტორიიდან, I, თბილისი.|
|წალენჯიხის ტაძრის მოხატულობა, საბჭოთა ხელოვნება, №12.|
|მეფისაშვილი რ., ვირსალაძე თ.
|გელათი, მოზაიკა, ფრესკები, თბილისი.|
|ძველი ქართული მწერლობის კერები, I, ნაკვ. II, თბილისი.|
|მსოფლიო საეკლესიო კრებები,
|რედ. მღვდელი თეიმურაზ თათარაშვილი, მთარგმნელი ა. ხაჩიძე, თბილისი.|
|კათოლიკური ეკლესია და საქართველო (XVII საუკუნის I ნახევარი), თბილისი.|
|იმერეთის სამეფო, თბილისი.|
|საკურთხევლის მოხატულობის სქემის ზოგი თავისებურება XIII საუკუნის ქართულ კედლის მხატვრობაში, საქართველოს სსრ მეცნიერებათა აკადემიის მაცნე, №4.|
|რ. მეტრეველის რედაქციით, თბილისი.|
|აფხაზეთის (დასავლეთ საქართველოს) კათალიკოსი ზაქარია ქვარიანი, ქუთაისი.|
|ტოლოჩანოვის იმერეთში ელჩობის მუხლობრივი აღწერილობა,
|ტოლოჩანოვის იმერეთში ელჩობის მუხლობრივი აღწერილობა, (1650-1652 წწ.), 1970 გამოსაცემად მოამზადა ი. ცინცაძემ.|
|ჯიქია ა., სხირტლაძე ზ.
|მასალები დერჩის წმინდა იოანე ნათლისმცემლის ეკლესიის მოხატულობის შესწავლისთვის, ძველი ხელოვნება დღეს.|
|დასავლეთ საქართველოს კათოლიკოსის ზაქარია ქვარიანის საქტიტორო გამოსახულება დერჩის წმ. იოანე ნათლისმცემლის ეკლესიაში. მაცნე.|
|Archimandrite Silas Koukiaris.
|The depiction of the Vision of saint Peter of Alexandria in the sanctuary of Bizantine churches, Zograf 35.|
|The Rhetoric and Performativity of light in the Sacred Space: A Case Study of the Vision of St. Peter of Alexandria, in: Hierotopy of Light and Fire in the Culture of the Byzantine world, ed. A. Lidov.|
|The Vision of Saint Peter of Alexandria from the church of St. Archangels in Prilep, Zograf 36.|
|La Vision de Pierre d’Alexandrie, in: Melanges Ch. Deihl.|
|The Symbolical Investiture of the Archbishop Basil of Bulgaria at Melnik, Zograf, 32.|
|The life of Saint Nicholas in Byzantine art, Brookline.|
|St. Peter of Alexandria, Bishop and Martyr, Philadelphia.|
|Роспись в Цаленджиха, Тбилиси.|
|Полное собрание надписей на стенах и камнях и приписок к рукописям Гелатскаго монастыря, Древности восточные, Т. I, вип. 2, Тбилиси.|